Among the ambitious plans made by the English at the Council at Alexandria during April of 1755, none were to be found in respect to the removal of the Acadians. The Acadian deportation took place as an afterthought and as a result of orders taken at the local level. What was planned by the English royal governors at Alexandria was that there should be a pre-emptive strike against the French, notwithstanding that the two countries were at peace, at four different points in North America; to be carried out at the same time. The one that concerns us is that which was made by Colonel Robert Monckton against Fort Beausejour. What is very significant to the subsequent events of 1755 -- very significant, indeed -- is, not just that the English defeated the French and took their fort at Fort Beausejour but they managed to do so within a matter of a couple of weeks.

Governor Lawrence was not to directly involve himself in the attack on Fort Beausejour. At first, one will wonder why he didn't travel up to Chignecto and get in on the action? Lawrence, after all, was an English military officer, and, indeed, Monckton's superior. It was not unusual that a royal governor should lead troops into battle. Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, for example, was leading the companion attack, in 1755, against Fort Niagara; and, indeed, as we will see, Lawrence himself was with General Amherst during the Second Siege of Louisbourg, in 1758. While it might be expected that Lawrence was at Halifax so he could perfect his plans to deport the Acadians (I think not); the fact is that Halifax was an important place which was vulnerable to French attack. Further, some very important naval officers from England were calling by at Halifax, and, it was likely thought that they should receive the personal attention of the governor, himself. I refer to Admiral Boscawen, who, with his fleet of twenty-one ships of war, was cruising off the coast trying to nab French war ships. These English vessels and their officers and men were in and out of Halifax harbour throughout the spring and summer; indeed, at one point captured French men-of-war, the Alcide and the Lys, were brought into Halifax together with a sizable number of French prisoners.

Lawrence, by May 25th, would have been advised that the transports with the New England troops were about to leave Boston and that it would be but a matter of days before Monckton with his forces of about 2500 men would be at the gates of Fort Beausejour. Lawrence was fearful that fighting men from Acadia might head to the isthmus with a view to assisting the French. Thus we see, where, on May 25th, Lawrence wrote one of his key commanders, Captain Murray at Piziquid.

"I desire you would, at this time also, acquaint the Deputies that their Happiness and future welfare depends very much on their present behaviour, & that they may be assured, if any Inhabitant either old or Young should offer to go to Beausejour, or to take arms or induce others to commit any Act of Hostility upon the English, or to make any Declaration in favour of the French, they will be treated as Rebels, their Estates and Families undergo immediate Military Execution, and their persons if apprehended shall suffer the utmost Rigour of the Law, and every severity that I can inflict; and on the other Hand such Inhabitants as behave like English Subjects, shall enjoy English Liberty & Protection."1

These actions of Captain Murray were to cause consternation among the French inhabitants. Meetings were held which led to the preparation of a petition. The petition4 was addressed to Governor Lawrence, dated at Minas, June 10th, 1755, from all the inhabitants and signed by 25 of them. It was worded in a formal and respectful manner and requesting that they be restored to "the same liberty that we enjoyed formerly, giving us the use of our canoes, either to transport our provisions from one river to the other, or for the purpose of fishing; thereby providing for our livelihood." As for the guns: an order, according to this petition, had been posted at Fort Edward on June the 4th requiring that all guns be carried to the fort. The inhabitants explained that their guns are needed to protect their stock from wild animals. And that: "It is not the gun which an inhabitant possesses, that will induce him to revolt, nor the privation of the same gun that will make him more faithful; but his conscience alone must induce him to maintain his oath." These pleas, as were contained in the petition, and as were sent down to Halifax, were received by Lawrence at about the same time as the news that the French at Fort Beausejour had surrendered to Monckton.5 This news from the isthmus, pleasant as it was, undoubtedly surprised Lawrence: in such a speedy time -- was Monckton able to accomplish his objective! And, so, at just about this point, a few days before or a few days after, into Lawrence's hands comes this, this petition from the Acadians listing their grievances; it was but, as far as Lawrence was concerned, just another example of the presumptuousness of the Acadians.

Not much time was to lapse before Governor Lawrence sent a courier overland to Fort Edward. The message to Captain Murray was that he should round up the people who signed the petition and they should be sent to Halifax to see him, as he had a few words for them.6 At Piziquid, ten of the 25 signatories pleaded sickness, the other fifteen were packed off to Halifax. On July 3rd, Lawrence sat with his Council7 and the fifteen Acadian deputies were paraded before Council in their chambers at the Governor's House. I set out, next following, extracts from the minutes8 of that meeting:

"The Deputies were then called in and the Names of the Subscribers to the Memorial read over, and such of them as were present, ordered to Answer to their Names, which they did to the number of fifteen, the others being Sick, after which the Memorial itself was again read, and they were severely reprimanded for their Audacity in Subscribing and Presenting so impertinent a Paper, but in Compassion to their Weakness and Ignorance of the Nature of our Constitution, especially in Matters of Government, and as the Memorialists had presented a subsequent one, and had shewn an Appearance of Concern for their past behaviour therein, and had then presented themselves before the Council with great Submission and Repentance, The Council informed them they were still ready to treat them with Lenity,...
That they had not only furnished the Enemy with Provisions and Ammunition, but had refused to supply the Inhabitants, or Government, with Provisions, and when they did Supply, they have exacted three times the Price for which they were sold at other Markets. That they had been indolent and Idle on their Lands, had neglected Husbandry, and the Cultivation of the Soil, and had been of no use to the Province either in Husbandry, Trade or Fishery, but had been rather an Obstruction to the King's Intentions in the Settlement. ... All His Majesty's Subjects are protected in the Enjoyment of every Liberty, while they continue Loyal and faithfull to the Crown, and when they become false and disloyal they forfeit that Protection. ...
That they wanted their Canoes for carrying Provisions to the Enemy, and not for their own use or the Fishery, That by a Law of this Province. All Persons are restrained from carrying Provisions from one Port to another, and every Vessel, Canoe or Bark found with Provisions is forfeited, and a Penalty is inflicted on the Owners. ...
That Guns are no part of their Goods, as they have no Right to keep Arms. By the Laws of England, All Roman Catholicks are restrained from having Arms, and they are Subject to Penalties if Arms are found in their Houses. ...
They were then informed that a very fair Opportunity now presented itself to them to Manifest the reality of their Obedience to the Government by immediately taking the Oath of Allegiance in the Common Form before the Council. Their Reply to this Proposal was, That they were not come prepared to resolve the Council on that head. They were then told that they very well knew for these Six Years past, the same thing had been often proposed to them and had been as often evaded...
They then desired to leave to retire to consult among themselves, which they were permitted to do, when after near an hour's Recess, They returned with the same Answer, That they could not consent to take the Oath as prescribed without consulting the General Body, but that they were ready to take it as they had done before.... the Council [could not] accept their taking the Oath in any other way than as all other His Majesty's Subjects were obliged by Law to do when called upon, and that it was now expected they should do so, which they still declining, they were allowed till the next Morning at Ten of the Clock to come to a Resolution."9

"... there was no reason to hope their proposed compliance proceeded from an honest mind, and could be esteemed only the effect of compulsion and force, and is contrary [to law]... whereby persons who have once refused to take the oaths cannot be afterwards permitted to take them, but are considered as Popish Recusants; therefore they would not now be indulged with such permission, and they were thereupon ordered into confinement."11

"... they [the deputies] were ordered to be kept prisoners at George's Island, where they were immediately conducted. They have since earnestly desired to be admitted to take the oath, but have not been admitted, nor will any answer be given them until we see how the rest of the inhabitants are disposed.
I have ordered new deputies to be elected, and sent hither immediately, and am determined to bring the Inhabitants to a compliance, or rid the province of such perfidious subjects."12

On Friday, the 25th, another meeting of Council was convened. In attendance, were the admirals, and, so too, was John Rous having just come in from rooting the French out at the St John. At this meeting (25th), yet another petition16 from the Acadians of the Annapolis River was presented. This time it was signed by 207 French Acadians. The Acadian deputies from the Annapolis River area had come to present the petition in person. The substance of their position, was, that while they would deliver up their guns, they were resolved not to take any kind of a new oath; and, that, "if it was the [English] king's intentions to force them to quit their lands, they hoped that they should be allowed a convenient time for their departure." Was this a bluff? It could have been: for there was now a forty year plus history where the Acadians independently (though always respectfully) determined that they would sign no absolute oath; and the British never were seen to force the issue. Or, were the Acadians genuinely ready to leave the fertile Acadian valleys that they had occupied for generations and cast themselves into an uncertain future? No matter what the Acadians thought of it, the British, this time around, intended to force their hand. I quote from the minutes of this meeting held on the 25th of July:

"They were then told that they must now resolve either to Take the Oath without any Reserve or else to quit their Lands, for that Affairs were now at such a Crisis in America that no delay could be admitted, that the French had obliged us to Take up Arms in our Defence against their Encroachments, and it was unknown what Steps they might take further, for which Reason if they (the Inhabitants) would not become Subjects to all Intents and purposes, they could not be suffered to remain in the Country. Upon which they said they were determined One and All, rather to quit their Lands than to Take any other Oath than what they had done before. The Council then told them that they ought very seriously to consider the Consequences of their Refusal, That if they once refused the Oath, they would never after be permitted to Take it, but would infallibly loose their Possessions; That the Council were unwilling to hurry them into a Determination upon an Affair of so much Consequence to them, and therefore they should be allowed till next Monday at Ten of the Clock in the forenoon to reconsider the matter and form their Resolution; when their final Answer would be expected."17

The rest and balance of the Acadian deputies were then sent off to George's Island; prisoners, all.19

The minds of the Council members had been made up. If they were to receive such refusals at this deadline meeting of July 28th, then they would transport the Acadians out of the province. They had earlier consulted with Jonathan Belcher, in his capacity as the Chief Justice of Nova Scotia (never mind, that, as a Councilor, he was in on the decision). He dutifully prepared a report (it was dated the very day, the 28th of July, 1755) one that the Council felt they needed to support the steps they were about to take. What was necessary, was to dress their decision up so it would appear less than the dastardly outrage that indeed it was. This judicial report, this judicial decision, recounted the history of the relationship of the Acadians and their English masters since the Treaty of Utrecht (1713); and concluded, as a matter of law, that in the interests of His Majesty, as Chief Justice Belcher was to advise, in his judgment, "that all the French inhabitants may be removed from the Province."20

[I should say, at this point, that no request was made of the Board of Trade (the principal colonial authority at London) for authority to deport the Acadians. It is not for me to speculate what the Board of Trade might have said of the plan if it had been set before them. Certainly after the event they gave it very little notice, mainly, I suppose, because in the succeeding years England was very busy fighting a war.21 Earlier, on March 4th of 1754, the Lords Of Trade did write Lawrence: "The more we consider this point the more nice and difficult it appears to us; for, as on the one hand great caution ought to be used to avoid giving any alarm, and creating such a diffidence in their minds as might induce them to quit the province, and by their numbers add strength to the French settlements, so on the other hand we should be equally cautious of creating an improper and false confidence in them, that by a perseverance in refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance, they may gradually work out in their own way a right to their lands, and to the benefit & protection of the law, which they are not entitled to but on that condition."22 To which, on August 1st, 1754, Lawrence replied: "They have not for a long time brought anything to our markets, but, on the other hand, have carried everything to the French and Indians, whom they have always assisted with provisions, quarters and intelligence; and, indeed, while they remain without taking the oath of allegiance (which they never will do till they are forced), and have incendiary French priests among them, there is no hope of their amendment. As they possess the best and largest tracts of land in the Province, it cannot be settled while they remain in this situation, and though I would be very far from attempting such a step without your lordships' approbation, yet I cannot help being of the opinion that it would be much better, if they refused the oath, that they were away."23]

In any event, it is clear, that the decision to deport the Acadians was one that was taken at the local level (Governor Lawrence and his Council). Even if he felt he had to clear the intended deportation with England -- there was no time for it in these days of sail. Here was an opportunity to be seized upon. The Acadians boldly refused to take an oath of loyalty. Nothing new. They had done this in the past; and, with no consequences. The difference this time, was that Lawrence had 2,000 troops who were but a couple of days away, who had been contracted at Boston for a year's service; and who now had not much to do since the capitulation of Fort Beausejour on June 16th, 1755.

The meeting of Council on July 28th was all but over when the Acadian men were led away as prisoners. After the clamour of the exited Acadians faded away, the Council then made their fateful decision and recorded it into the minutes:

"After mature Consideration, it was unanimously Agreed That, to prevent as much as possible their Attempting to return and molest the Settlers that may be set down on their Lands, it would be most proper to send them to be distributed amongst the several Colonies on the Continent, and that a sufficient Number of Vessels should be hired with all possible Expedition for that purpose."24

"In the mean time, it will be necessary to keep this measure as secret as possible, as well to prevent their attempting to escape, as to carry off their cattle &c.; and the better to effect this you will endeavour to fall upon some stratagem to get the men, both young and old (especially the heads of families) into your power and detain them till the transports shall arrive, so as that they may be ready to be shipped off; for when this is done it is not much to be feared that the women and children will attempt to go away and carry off the cattle. But least they should, it will not only be very proper to secure all their Shallops, Boats, Canoes and every other vessel you can lay your hands upon; But also to send out parties to all suspected roads and places from time to time, that they may be thereby intercepted. As their whole stock of Cattle and Corn is forfeited to the Crown by their rebellion, and must be secured & apply'd towards a reimbursement of the expense the government will be at in transporting them out of the Country, care must be had that nobody make any bargain for purchasing them under any colour or pretence whatever; if they do the sale will be void, for the inhabitants have now (since the order in Council) no property in them, nor will they be allowed to carry away the least thing but their ready money and household furniture.
The officers commanding the Fort at Piziquid and the Garrison of Annapolis Royal have nearly the same orders in relation to the interior Inhabitants."25

"... you will give each of the masters their sailing orders in writing to proceed according to the above destination, and upon their arrival immediately to wait on the Governor or Commander-in-chief of the provinces to which they are bound with the said letters, and to make all possible despatch in debarking their passengers, and obtaining certificates thereof agreeable to the form aforesaid; and you will in these orders make it a particular injunction to the said masters to be as careful and watchful as possible during the whole course of the passage, to prevent the passengers making any attempt to seize upon the vessels, by allowing only a small number to be upon the decks at one time, and all other necessary precautions to prevent the bad consequences of such attempts; and that they be particularly careful that the inhabitants carry no arms, nor other offensive weapons on board with them at their embarkation, and also that they see the provisions regularly issued to the people agreeable to the allowance proportioned in Mr. George Saul's instructions.
You will use all the means necessary for collecting the people together, so as to get them on board. If you find that fair means will not do it with them, you must proceed by the most vigorous measures possible, not only in compelling them to embark, but in depriving those who escape of all means of shelter or support, by burning their houses and destroying everything that may afford them the means of subsistence in the country."26